Bishop: Much Ado About Something – Nike & North Smithfield

Brian Bishop, GoLocalProv Guest MINDSETTER™

Bishop: Much Ado About Something – Nike & North Smithfield

Colin Kaepernick
As if it were the North Carolina of Rhode Island legislating over who shares bathrooms, North Smithfield is in the crosshairs of all good progressives for having the nerve to suggest that Nike is sending a message of disrespect for authority by using Colin Kaepernick to promote its products. On balance, I disagree with Council President John Beauregard that Colin Kaepernick is principally a symbol whose invocation denigrates the police or devalues blue lives lost. But I don’t think his opinion is irrational.

Indeed, the devil’s advocate argument is right there in the same numbers thrown around by Black Lives Matters. Yes, about 1 in a million whites are killed by police annually compared to approximately 2 in a million blacks. But about 80 in a million cops are killed each year. Folks quickly start explaining that cops sign up for a dangerous job, that cops are different. Really, so cops aren’t people? Well,l they are people, but we can figure out the reasons why they are killed violently at a different rate given their exposure to violent circumstances. God forbid you try that argument for any other group.

Grinding his own axe?

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But that is no excuse for the rate of cops killing civilians, nor is the disregard for cops the central message I take from Colin Kaepernick, in spite of his poor taste in socks.

Well, many suggest, it is not a question for the Town Council anyway; that Beauregard is just grinding his own axe. Really, it seems far more pertinent to municipal administration than the consistent parade of left leaning ordinances, oft advanced by the enlightened councilors of Cambridge Mass, to boycott doing business with any concern that doesn’t adopt their political outlook. The recent example was a failed effort to boycott Hewlett Packard because the company provided services and equipment to the Israeli Government and Military that facilitated “the occupation”. There was no protest that the ordinance violated Hewlett Packard’s first amendment rights; rather Cambridge Councilors were apparently swayed by the case that the proponents of the boycott had anti-semites in their ranks.

ACLU takes sides, what else is new?

But this practice is no longer limited to Cambridge having a foreign policy, it has spread far and wide. One need look only so far as Providence where last year Seth Yurdin introduced a resolution to boycott Citizens Bank unless they stopped providing financing to the company building the Dakota Access Pipeline. Yet one will search in vane for the ACLU jumping to its feet to protest that the first amendment right of Citzens to do business with whom they wished was under assault. But somehow, little ole North Smithfield that proposed a politically incorrect boycott starts getting threatening letters. Gone are the days when the ACLU spent its efforts defending civil rights principles without regard to the character of their exercise. Their effort has become a kind of quasi-legal progressive threat tank.

It’s not to say that they have no point, but its fairly evident where they put their oar in that they have a slippery scale of what is protected speech and unprotected conduct. So they have raised nary a peep about the successful Providence resolution in 2013 that lead to the divestment of the pension fund from some 15 stocks that are ‘dirty coal companies’. The supposed distinction is they are punishing those companies for their conduct and not their speech – although the quintessential speech of a company is its product.

So how is it that they ACLU sees Nike’s associating itself with Kaepernick as different than Citizen’s doing business with Dakota Access? Why would the one be conduct and the other speech? And what really is the constitutional rule on free speech for government contractors and employees and how it is impinged by North Smithfield’s action? The ACLU has not published their ‘brief’ on this, choosing rather to just speak ominously of the liability North Smithfield would face if the resolution had any effect.

Is Nike’s Free Speech Threatened?

It is likely the ACLU relies on the case of Umbehr which applies the standard of pickering, a protection of the speech rights of public workers, to those engaged in government contracting. But what really is the standard of Pickering? Justice Marshall saw the problem was: “. . . to arrive at a balance between the interests of the teacher, as a citizen, in commenting upon matters of public concern and the interest of the State, as an employer, in promoting the efficiency of the public services it performs through its employees.” And Marshall’s resolution in that case held: “the fact of employment is only tangentially and insubstantially involved in the subject matter of the public communication made by a teacher, we conclude that it is necessary to regard the teacher as the member of the general public he seeks to be”.

It certainly might seem this is dispositive, because isn’t the reputation or implicit message of Nike’s spokesman incidental to the service they provide of furnishing athletic wear? Yet, in a town that operates a police force and a school system it seems to me that the debate fostered by Beauregard hews to just what the liberal lion of the court, Justice Brennan, recognized as a local interest when writing in the case of Island Trees Union School District on what constitutes unconstitutional government censorship at the municipal level: “there is a legitimate and substantial community interest in promoting respect for authority and traditional values be they social, moral, or political.” And perhaps the most likely purchaser implicated by the resolution in North Smithfield would be for the town school system where Brennan allowed: “ . . . local school boards must be permitted to establish and apply their curriculum in such a way as to transmit community values"

So there exists substantial local interest in the very questions Beauregard sees at issue in offering the resolution. It is not self-evident how such a case would be decided given that Nike remains free to speak as it wishes about Colin Kaepernick, but is faulted for makeing him part and parcel of their business plan. By it’s deliberate commercialization of this message, Nike opens itself up to an examination of this as business conduct and not as speech.

Conduct or Speech?

The distinction is echoed in Rumsfeld v FAIR which found that “the Solomon amendment”, that required colleges receiving federal funds to allow military recruiters on campus, did not violate speech rights of these academies which “remain free under the statute to express whatever views they may have on the military's congressionally mandated employment policy, all the while retaining eligibility for federal funds.”

And in one other recent legal context, Government discrimination about the quality of speech is actually ensconced in the very nature of the Government action. When conservatives pushed back against National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) after it helped fund exhibit of the explicit photography of Robert Mapplethorpe and the controversial Piss Christ by Andres Serrano, Congress passed an amendment providing that “artistic excellence and artistic merit are the criteria by which [grant] applications are judged, taking into consideration general standards of decency and respect for the diverse beliefs and values of the American public.”

To the NEA itself and to some artists, e.g. Karen Finley, aka the Chocolate Smeared Young Woman, who didn’t receive a grant in the wake of this change, vague “standards of decency” sounded a lot like censorship and essentially like refusing to contract based on their viewpoint. The lower courts agreed, but Clinton’s acting Solicitor General, Walter Dellinger saw it differently: “The one thing I knew was that we could not say, ‘It is okay to prefer Karen Finley to Norman Rockwell, but not vice versa . . .’ ”.

Judge O’Connor’s decision in NEA v Finley didn’t create a bright line, seeing these standards as only part of the selection process. This suggests that a local contracting process, cognizant of the values Councilor Beauregard seeks to advance, might indeed take note in purchasing decisions of marketing connected integrally with the product that they conceive of as violating community standards. And the more one tries to look at the advertising as commercial art and akin to speech, the more one invites such scrutiny – as opposed to taking into account a corporate press release regretting that the NFL has not found space for the expressions of the players on whom it depends, which probably would violate Umbehr.

Well, its no secret that widespread criticism caused Beauregard to engineer the withdrawal of his resolution. And although I did not consider Nike’s conduct as disrespectful of the public institution of law enforcement and would not have supported the resolution, it was not apparently revoked because its author had a change of heart, but simply because of the extent of public controversy. To the extent that this was more than a noisy minority, this is giving way politically if not on principle and that is how politics works. But it is a disappointment to see what was not some purely illegitimate exercise itself shouted down by the heckler’s veto.

Brian Bishop is on the board of OSTPA and has spent 20 years of activism protecting property rights, over-regulation and perverse incentives in tax policy.

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