Horse-Trading or Hostage-Taking? H. Philip West Jr, Guest MINDSETTER™

Guest MINDSETTER™ H. Philip West Jr

Horse-Trading or Hostage-Taking? H. Philip West Jr, Guest MINDSETTER™

Contrary to the lofty lessons many of us learned in school about how bills become law, state legislatures routinely trade bills like horses—or hostages. Citizen advocates who hope to translate their visions into law must understand this ritual.

Rhode Island’s 2015 General Assembly session ended abruptly when the last dance between House and Senate leaders broke down. Scores of bills dropped into limbo: bridge repairs, charter schools, college funding, welfare fraud, lobbying, electronic voter registration, chicken coop size, medical marijuana, immunity for Good Samaritans in drug cases, and others.

Horse-trading may include compromises between different versions of bills or bills on entirely different topics. With lists in hand, House and Senate leaders meet behind closed doors to bluff and barter like merchants in a bazaar.

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In August 1996, House Majority Leader George Caruolo leaned on the Senate to pass his Utility Restructuring Act. Caruolo wanted consumers to pay off $930 million in “stranded costs” to utility companies. His proposal prompted widespread opposition from energy experts, consumer advocates, and reform groups. James Malachowski, who chaired the Public Utilities Commission, warned that the legislation would raise electric bills, stall competition, and allow local utilities to reap windfall profits. (Within months, Malachowski’s salary got slashed, sending a shockwave message through state government: Never cross legislative leaders. Years after Malachowski left state government, the state Supreme Court ruled in his favor.)

To assure passage of Caruolo’s utility legislation, House leaders held hostage a high priority Senate bill by Cranston Sen. Thomas Izzo that would toughen enforcement of a ban on tobacco sales to children. Despite vocal objections during debate, senators approved Caruolo’s bill, which was duly stamped and marked. In an extraordinary gesture, then-Senate Corporations Committee Chair William Irons personally carried it across the rotunda and handed it to Caruolo, who then okayed final House passage of Izzo’s anti-smoking legislation.

In 1998, House leaders rammed through legislation sponsored by Deputy House Majority Leader Peter Kilmartin to create a Cancer Council: a nine-member board with “exclusive responsibility” for cancer research funds flowing into Rhode Island. Like Rhode Island’s scandal-prone Lottery Commission, the proposed Cancer Council would have had three members named by the speaker, three by the Senate majority leader, and three by the governor. 

Public opposition from the American Cancer Society, the RI Medical Society, Brown University Medical School, the Hospital Association, Lifespan, and Common Cause stalled the proposed Cancer Council briefly in the Senate. Despite numerous objections, House leaders demanded its passage, and only four senators dared to vote against it. 

In an eloquent veto message, Gov. Lincoln Almond wrote that he “wholeheartedly” supported the goals of “providing cancer care, research, prevention, detection, and education” but that he must veto the legislation “because its legislative appointment provisions violate the constitutionally-mandated separation of powers.”

The General Assembly never came back to override Almond’s veto, and Rhode Island’s 2004 Separation of Powers Amendment ended the centuries-old practice of legislative leaders naming members of boards that execute state laws. 

Legislative sessions often end with lobbyists trying frantically to move stuck bills. Senators and representatives fan themselves during stifling recesses while their leaders haggle over lists of bills each chamber wants passed. I once asked a legislative staff member who had attended these conclaves about the “horse-trading.”

“‘Horse-trading?’” He guffawed. “It’s hostage-taking.”

Citizen advocates—whatever their legislative goals—need to understand the tough bartering that overshadows the final hours of virtually every General Assembly session. During the rush toward adjournment, bills that range from trivial to historic wind up as chits on the trading table. 

While public pressure may win passage of needed bills before the final crush, significant bills inevitably become hostages. Citizen lobbyists must work with enlightened governors and brave legislators to help our General Assembly serve the public interest. That effort seldom ends before midnight on the last caffeine-fueled night of the session.

H. Philip West Jr. served eighteen years as executive director of Common Cause Rhode Island and is the author of “SECRETS & SCANDALS: Reforming Rhode Island, 1986-2006.”

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